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The Ungrateful Cobra.

One day a cobra fell down a deep crack in the ground and couldn’t get out. A man passed by, and heard a strangled voice calling:
“Help! Save me!”

The man peered down the crack, and immediately jumped back in alarm. The cobra is man’s great enemy. The cobra said: “Please, pull me out!” Still quaking, the man answered: “I won’t. You’d bite me.” “No, – the cobra pleaded -. Could I bite the hand that saves me?”

The man thought a while. Then, slowly, he lowered himself into the crack. Close to the cobra, he drew back again; but the snake wrapped itself gently around his waist. When they were both out, the man said: “Now you can get down; you’re safe.”

With a scowl the cobra replied: “Should I give up a meal that luck has thrown my way? Never!” The man couldn’t do a thing; the cobra was still wrapped round his waist.

He considered a moment. All he could think of was to say to the cobra: “All right. So, you’ll eat me. But first I’d like to ask some animals what I have done wrong to deserve it. If I have done wrong, then you
will eat me.”

The cobra agreed. First, they went to the camel’s house. Standing at the door, the man said: “Listen. While I was walking along the road, I saw this cobra down a crack in the ground, and saved him. Now he wants to bite me; have I done wrong, perhaps?” “Of course, – replied the camel, keeping well out of the way, – of course you’ve done wrong.”

The answer saddened the man, but the cobra grinned. Then the man went slowly along to the baobab to ask the same question: “Listen – he said to the tree -, while going along the road I saw this cobra in a deep crack; I saved him, and now he wants to bite me. Have I done wrong, by any chance?”  “Yes, – came the reply -. Something very wrong indeed.”

Sadder than ever, the man went off with the cobra (who wasn’t sad at all) to the squirrel’s house. “Listen, friend. While on a journey. I saved this cobra from a deep crack in the ground. Now he wants to bite me and kill me. Have I done something wrong?”

The squirrel reflected for quite a while, then said: “It doesn’t seem possible that you could have done such a thing.”
Then he turned to the cobra: “Friend cobra, why don’t you get down and tell me the truth of the matter?”

The cobra slipped down at once. But while he was getting into a position to speak, the squirrel yelled: “Quick, hit him on the head with your stick!” The man didn’t wait to be told twice; thus, the squirrel saved his life.

Ever since that day we have had a saying: Keep your enemy at a distance, because he has two words.

Folktale from Borana People. Kenya

 

Nigeria. Dashed hopes.

A year after the youth protests that shook the most populated country of Africa. The justice and peace commissions are not functioning except in Lagos; the youth are disillusioned; the police are licking their wounds; insecurity has increased. The government is still
afraid of Twitter.

On 8 October 2020, a peaceful protest began in Nigeria called End SARS. It was prevalently a youth movement that broke out in many cities of the country around the same time. Especially in Lagos, the commercial and economic centre par excellence. The initial objective was to induce the government of President Muhammad Buhari to disband the infamous police unit known as the Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS).

Protesters at the endSARS in Lagos. Photo: CC BY-SA 4.0/Kaizenify

The unit had a long history of abuse of power: it had been accused of brutality against citizens all over the country. The youth protest then raised the bar by demanding that those in power carry out a total reform of the police, an end to misgovernment and the payment of damages to victims of brutality for the forces of law and order. Even before taking to the streets, the End SARS movement exploded on Twitter. Its hashtag was adopted and spread by the Afro-pop icons, by political (Joe Biden) and economic personalities and the delegate administrator of Twitter (Jack Dorsey) and then retransmitted by the greatest international influencers. In October of last year, #EndSARS was for two days the most shared hashtag in the world.

A tragic end
However, what was described as one of the best organised and peaceful protests ever seen in Nigeria ended in tragedy. On 20 October 2020, a military ambush at the motorway toll booth at Lekki, in the north of Lagos, left dozens of fatalities and injured. What is now known internationally as the massacre of Lekki subsequently caused the total breakdown of social rules with Nigerian cities and towns attacked, plundered, and destroyed. It is interesting to note how quickly the Lagos administration denied any involvement. After the event, they quickly denied the presence of soldiers at the scene.

Protesters at the endSARS in Lagos. Photo: CC BY-SA 4.0/ Kaizenify.

A few days later, they made a u-turn, saying that the soldiers had not fired on the demonstrators. They ended up with “no comment”. President Buhari himself seemed reluctant to comment, taking several days before speaking to the nation to explain what happened. Just one month after the massacre of Lekki, the Nigerian authorities began to oppress the leaders and organisers of the End SARS protests. They accused important supporters of financing terrorism, suspended the bank accounts of some of them on foot of a court order obtained by the Nigerian Central Bank. Furthermore, they penalised the newspapers and communication agencies, accusing them of publishing exaggerated and inexact news.

The impact lives on
Today, a year on from the mass mobilisation, the impact of those demonstrations and their suppression lives on in the country. The federal government has tried to respond to the demands from the grassroots. The first thing it did was to disband the SARS (for the fourth time in five years). It then promised justice and fair compensation for the victims of violence. Enquiries were instigated in the states involved. However, most of the demands have yet to be met.
The administration of the state of Lagos, the epicentre of the clashes, has been concretely involved.

Nigeria. #EndSARS protests. Photo: CC BY-SA 4.0/ Salako Ayoola.

The governor, Babajide Sanwo-Olu, inaugurated the commission on 27 October 2020. According to Doris Akuwobi, president of the same commission, the number of victims of police brutality they heard during their meetings was over 100. Other persons were also heard such as key actors in the Lekki massacre such as high-ranking officers of the army and the director-general of the Lekki Conservation Centre (LCC), Abayomi Omomuwa. In the meantime, the concern of Sanwo-Olu and his colleagues has been to compensate as well, and as soon as possible, the victims of violence: usually, not more than two days after sentence
is pronounced.

Rebuilding
In the long wake of the blood-letting and violence following 20 October 2020, some cities have become ghost towns and derelict, with enormous economic damage. Lagos was the worst-hit area. The governor was said to have been gravely upset by the level of devastation. He told how more than a hundred police stations were destroyed or burned as well as the High Court and the taxation offices. According to the president of the House of Representatives, Femi Gbajabiamila, the amount of damage caused is estimated to be in the region of 2.5 billion dollars. To assist in reconstruction efforts, Sanwo-Olu has instituted the Lagos State Rebuilding Trust Fund, a trust fund of the state of Lagos.

Insecurity
One of the worst consequences following the post-End SARS demonstrations is the total lack of confidence in the forces of law and order. The local press says that after the massacre of Lekki, in Lagos state alone, 22 policemen were killed and 42 in the whole of Nigeria. The number of police stations destroyed in the country is estimated at 350. Many arms have been stolen.

EndSARS Brutality protest in Abeokuta. Photo: CC BY-SA 4.0/ Asokeretope.

The attack on the police has led to the resignation of some officers. Many roadblocks, stop and search activities, and routine patrols have been suspended. This situation has created a security vacuum with an increase in armed robberies, auto theft, kidnappings, and murders. The recent episodes of violence in the south and south-east of the country are considered an offshoot of the End SARS demonstrations. Together with this increase in criminality, there is the failure of the government to oppose bandits and terrorists.

The youth and the social media
The arrogance of the government, together with its lack of empathy towards the victims of the massacre of Lekki, has seriously wounded the psyche and morale of many young Nigerians who were formerly optimistic that the protest would gain a series of political results. There is a growing lack of confidence.
The hoped-for second wave of End SARS has been a failure: many young people now live far from the gathering points.

Nigeria. End SARS protester in Abuja. Photo: CC BY-SA 4.0/ Aliyu Dahiru Aliyu

Many electoral polls were ignored as if those young people who asked for change were now reluctant to seek it by means of their polling cards. They are taking refuge in the social media, especially Twitter. And the response of the government? On 4 June, it indefinitely suspended this platform, inviting the audio-visual media to cancel its account as a ‘patriotic’ gesture, something that completely disturbed Nigeria. The social media had cancelled a tweet by the president in which he threatened to use violence against the Biafra separatist groups.
The government had accused them of interference in the affairs of the state, also referring to the little bird that chirps at the End SARS demonstrations.
More than 120 million Nigerians have access to the internet and almost 20% of them, about 40 million people, say they have a Twitter account, according to the NOI Polls Society for statistical research, based in Lagos. Clearly,
End SARS causes fear even today, even though the young people no longer take to the streets. Open Photo: Protest against the Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS) in Lagos. CC BY-SA 4.0/TobiJamesCandids

Victor Gotevbe

Mission. To the last breath.

Sixty Comboni Missionaries have died due to the Coronavirus with around 350 infected. Many of them spent their whole lives in Africa or Latin America. We remember three of them.

The sun is setting at Lachor Hospital in Northern Uganda. Brother Elio makes his way home after a long day’s work. He is worried at the dreadful news coming from Europe. A virus from China is infecting thousands of people and claiming hundreds of victims. The virus is spreading rapidly. Brother Elio still has vivid memories of what happened in 2000 when the Ebola virus struck Northern Uganda causing hundreds of deaths. Lachor hospital was hit hard. The doctors and nurses were among the first to die. He knows the new virus will soon appear in Africa. He wonders how he can prepare for the virus, but details are still lacking. Going to his room, he turns on the old wireless that has been his companion for so many years.
Brother Elio Croce first went to Uganda in 1975. He has spent forty-five years in Africa, first as technical director of Kitgum Hospital and then, starting in 1985, of Lachor Hospital.
Bro. Elio has shared all the events affecting the Acholi people. For them and with them, he built hospital buildings, dug wells, and set up technical and agricultural projects.
He shared with the Acholi people the terrible decades of the guerrilla war and buried their dead. He has lost count of how many kilometres he travelled throughout the area driving his old Toyota.

Bro. Elio was always attracted, moved and upheld by his faith in Divine Providence, an unrelenting and solid faith that was the indestructible nourishment of a life given totally for the African people. His was a world of building-sites and workshops for carpentry and mechanics and the maintenance of the electrical medical equipment.
During the war years, when no supplies were available, everything had to be made on the spot. Bro. Elio was very capable. He knew how to do things and how to teach others, but he insisted on having everything done properly. By so doing, he helped in the development of the local area. Many were trained at his school, learning a trade and acquiring the mentality of work as an art form. At his urging, many small activities were established. His workers worked hard and well, becoming independent. They knew they could count on Elio. Many pursued their studies thanks to him. His simple and concrete manner was sometimes sweetly rough though totally honest, with no frills and the experience of a life dedicated to Africa that seemed to exude from the man in dust-covered sandals, challenged and won over (often for life) anyone who approached him. He left no one indifferent; there was always an encounter with his choice of life and a feeling of being at one with him, even when people disagreed with him. Brother Elio, a survivor of massacres and Ebola, was taken to heaven by Covid 19 on 11 November 2020, at the age of 74 years.

On the day of his funeral, Mons. John Baptist Odama, Archbishop of Gulu said: “During the most difficult period of crisis in our local Acholi region, Bro. Elio risked his life to save many people whose lives were threatened. The community of this region can testify that, during the conflict between the rebels and the government forces, Bro. Elio courageously followed the rebels into the bush to rescue those who had been kidnapped, especially the school children. During the outbreak of Ebola, Bro. Elio stayed with the people he served. Most of all, Bro. Elio used his technical ability as a builder and engineer to develop Lachor Hospital. The modern buildings we see today at St. Mary’s Hospital were planned and supervised by him. In his work, Bro. Elio shared his knowledge and ability with many young Africans in such a way that they could follow in his footsteps. He taught many needy children in the schools to accept the responsibility of serving their brothers and sisters. In the Archdiocese of Gulu, we see Bro. Elio as our hero. His legacy of duty and dedication to the poor, the sick and the most disadvantaged of our community will always be a source of inspiration for us”.

Father Bascarán, wearing the shoes of the mission
He is known by everyone for his long hair and sandals as he walks the streets of Salvador de Bahia in Brazil. Wearing the ‘shoes of the mission’ for him meant being on the side of the poor and humble people. It meant keeping one’s feet firmly on the ground, in the dust of the roads that brings home the situation of the people. As he walks, he sees the small boys playing football. They see him and kick the ball to him. He controls it perfectly and skilfully passes it back.
The sound of music is coming from one of the houses. He knows that tune; he has played it often.

His two great interests: football and music. As a young man, Spanish Father Carlos Bascarán Collantes was a professional footballer and fascinated spectators with his skills. Some believed he would have a wonderful future playing for one of the teams in the La Liga Espanola. His musical talents were also well known, and his guitar was always by his side. His presence was always a celebration. Cheerful and enthusiastic, he made friends easily, especially with the youth and especially through his music. He would say to the young people: “You must always be in harmony and sing the right notes to be together without being afraid of making mistakes. Music brings us together and makes us feel more like children of God and members of our communities. Music always carries with it love and liberation”.
For six years, he was provincial superior of the Comboni Missionaries in Brazil. His colleagues remember him well: “Those were complicated and difficult times for him. His critical attitude towards the civil and religious authorities led to clashes but he was always spontaneous and sincere”.

A man of great ideas, both during and after his mandate he gave new vigour to the Province both in the field of formation and missionary animation, while aware of the limits. He would say: “The mission is like a performance of a symphony. The music is perfectly written but the musicians are limited and often out of tune. However, this does not mean we can’t try to play perfect music”.
Brazil had been struck by the Coronavirus for several months, reaping thousands of victims and infections. During all that time, Fr. Carlos refused to stay indoors but went to visit the communities, offering advice and support. It was important that people should see their priest among them in those difficult times. For some days he had not felt well and was taken to João Pessoa Hospital suffering from the virus. He died late in the afternoon of Tuesday 22 September 2020. He was 77 years of age and had spent forty of them walking the side-streets of Brazil in his dusty missionary sandals.

Father Aranda Nava. Sharing life
The sound of gunfire is coming closer. Billowing smoke can be seen in the distance. The area has become a battlefield between the government forces and the rebels. The missionaries realise it is time to go. They gather their few possessions and start walking towards the Ugandan border. Amid the many dangers and ever-present fears, Father Aranda writes: “After walking for days, we reached the Bidi Bidi refugee camp. Living like refugees is a new experience for us as a missionary community. We have left our mission of Kajo-Keji in South Sudan and now we are with our people who live in the refugee camps in the north of Uganda. Like them, we are homeless people and refugees”.

Mexican Father José de Jesús Aranda Nava first went to Sudan in 1984. His main apostolate was the training of the Comboni postulants in Juba and Khartoum. In 1992, he was expelled with other Combonis by the Muslim government of Khartoum, in Sudan. Once back in Mexico, he worked in the formation of future missionaries as well as in missionary animation. He is remembered as a man who was always smiling. He would always speak enthusiastically of his missionary work in Africa.
In 1999, he returned to Africa and devoted himself to the formation of young missionaries first in Sudan and then in Kenya. Lastly, in 2007, he arrived in the parish of Kajo Keji, South Sudan.
There he worked tirelessly training catechists and managing a number of schools for boys and girls.
On the feast of Saint Daniel Comboni, he wrote on Facebook: “Comboni Day: 10 October 2020. The holiness of Comboni is lived out in communion with suffering humanity. Saint Daniel lived his holiness in solidarity with the suffering and the ill-treated. In the course of our history, the sons and daughters of Saint Daniel Comboni have sought to follow the path of holiness, sharing the daily life of their suffering brothers and sisters. We have great people who are fine examples of making common cause with the people: Father Giuseppe Ambrosoli, Father Ezekiel Ramin and many more. Today, we are called to share in holiness, the life of so many people who are faced with the crisis of the Coronavirus pandemic and its consequences. We are in communion with the migrants and refugees, the populations in areas of conflict and war. Let us carry in our hearts the burden of suffering of the Church and the sad situation of the environment and all creation. Pray for peace and brotherhood between our people and South Sudan”.
He was urgently taken to Lachor Hospital in Gulu where he was admitted with the Coronavirus infection. He died on 4 November 2020.  He was 68 years of age.  His dream was to be a missionary in Africa. This dream of his came true and he not only lived as a missionary in Africa but also died and was buried in the land he loved. (C.C.)

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Malawi. Dancing with the Spirit.

It is a country with over 10 ethnic groups, each with different cultural traditions and beliefs. The dance represents one of the highest cultural performances of these cultural groups.
A glance at some of the dances.

In the central region of Malawi live the Ngoni people and they are around 750 thousand people in all. One of their famous dances is called the Ingoma. It was originally a war dance performed after a successful battle.
The men in the Ingoma are dressed in an elaborate and decorative way. Their costume includes headgear made of feathers, ornaments worn on the limbs, a network of beads wrapped across the chest and stomach, and around the neck various types of animal skin hang. They carry a spear or club, and a shield. The women instead wear an ordinary Chilundu (a piece of cloth) from the waist downwards, and a blouse and headgear called duku. In the Ingoma dance, men dance in straight lines while women form lines on the side of the men.
The men sing and stamp their feet, wielding their shields, spears and clubs symbolising a war scene while the women sing, clap and ululate in unison with the men’s dance performance.

Gule Wamkulu dance. Photo: CC-BY-SA-4.0/ Twiggalite

The Chewa people live also in the central region of the country.  One of the important dances of the Chewa is called Gule Wamkulu (‘great dance’).  The people involved in the dance are believed to be communicating with the ancestral spirits as part of the religion. The Gule Wamkulu ritual includes songs and dances performed by masked individuals disguised as animals. It is a symbolic representation of the invisible spirit world performed for various events, such as initiation ceremonies, healing rituals, funerals, and so on.
The Gule Wamkulu dance was, and is, a secret cult which the Chewa people highly respect. The people who perform this dance are only those who have been initiated into Nyau tradition and the dancers are all men.

Women performing Chisamba dance. Photo: CC-BY-SA-4.0/ Andrew Datu

The Chisamba dance, instead, is a female initiation ritual which is a complement of the male initiation in Gule Wamkulu. Its purpose is to turn girls into attractive women and takes place at a tree of maidenhood (Mtengo Wa Anamwali). Here, girls receive instructions on the protocols of womanhood. The Chisamba dance is led by a senior woman, usually the chief’s sister and known as Namkungwi. This dance is also performed at the funerals of chiefs and important individuals in the village.Another common dance among the Chewa is the Mganda dance. This is probably the second most popular dance after the Gule Wamkulu, among the Chewa.
It is primarily an entertainment dance performed during wedding ceremonies. The dancers are usually in a group of 6 to 10, sometimes more, with a drummer in front of the dancers.
Men who form two or three lines facing in the same direction perform it but, as they dance, they systematically face all directions. The dancers hold small flags and a ‘badza’ (made from a gourd).
During wedding ceremony performances, entertained viewers throw money to the most entertaining dancer.
The Mganda is also performed merely for entertainment at functions such as political party rallies.

Vimbuza healing dance. Photo:Francois-Xavier Freland/UNESCO

In the north of the country among the Tumbuka people, a popular dance is called the Vimbuza. It is a healing dance. After being diagnosed, patients undergo a healing ritual.
For this purpose, women and children of the village form a circle around the patient, who slowly enters into a trance, and sing songs to call helping spirits. The only men taking part are those who beat spirit-specific drum rhythms and, in some cases, a male healer.
Singing and drumming combine to create a powerful experience, providing a space for patients to ‘dance their disease’. The Vimbuza healing ritual goes back to the mid-nineteenth century, when it developed as a means of overcoming traumatic experiences of oppression, and it further developed as a healing dance.
For the Tumbuka, the Vimbuza has artistic value and a therapeutic function that complements other forms of medical treatment. It is still practised in rural areas where the Tumbuku live and is performed by both men and women, usually at night.
The Sendemule is a traditional dance performed by the Balambia people of Chitipa in northern Malawi during funerals, chief installation ceremonies, and for entertainment. When it is performed at funerals, the songs are appropriately mournful, and when it is performed at a chief’s installation ceremony, or when a dangerous animal like a lion is killed, the songs depict triumph. Today the Sendemule is performed at many social gatherings, where the dancers usually dress casually.

At each New Year’s Day, men and women congregate at the village arena to entertain the village with the Chilimika dance. Photo. Fotoferm/123RF.com

In the Nkhata Bay District in the Northern Region the Chilimika (meaning year) is performed mostly by Tonga women and youth.
At each New Year’s Day, young men and women congregate at the village arena to entertain the village with the Chilimika. It is actually a very humorous dance and is mostly performed by men.
The Manganje is an initiation dance performed by the Yao people in the central and south region and is performed at the initiation of boys. When boys (initiates) leave for, and then come out of the (Jando) enclosure, the dance is performed to celebrate the occasion. Today the Manganje is also performed for entertainment.
In the south, among the Lomwe people the Tchopa dance is performed. In the past the dance was performed during a tribal war as well as the Nsembe (sacrifice offering) ceremonies when a calamity has struck. During tribal wars, men used to dance, informing the folks that they were back with news of victory. It is now mostly performed for entertainment. Another popular form of dance practiced in the villages around the country is the Chitelera. It is mostly performed for entertainment on full-moon nights by young girls, but is also used as a form of inter-village competition. Teams of girls travel to neighboring villages to see which village has the more talented dancers. The girls form circles as they dance.

Patrick Limbani
Open Photo: Gule Wamkulu dance. CC-BY-SA-4.0/Harrymagalasi6

 

 

The Talibans’ victory is boosting the jihadists’ morale in Africa.

The defeat of the US and their allies in Afghanistan is having consequences in Africa. It is boosting the morale of local jihadists and it has shown America’s allies on the continent that corrupt and unpopular regimes don’t last forever even when they are supported by a superpower.

The American defeat in Kabul is having consequences elsewhere in the world and particularly in Africa, which is another important front of the global jihad. The UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres is aware about it and worries about an “alarming” expansion of affiliates of the so-called “Islamic State” throughout Africa on the back of the situation in Afghanistan.The Talibans’ victory in Kabul has galvanised African jihadists. On the 10 August, before the fall of Kabul, Iyad Ag Ghali, the leader of the Jamaat Nusrat al-Islam wal Muslimeen (Group of Support of Islam and Moslems), the Sahara branch of Al Qaeda, praised the victory of the Talibans’ Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan. In his preach, Ag Ghali highlighted what he called “the bitter failure” of France’s military operations in the Sahel area. “We are winning,” he said, drawing comparisons between the withdrawal of NATO troops in Afghanistan and France’s decision in June to reduce by half the number of its troops of about 5,100 who participate to the anti-jihadist Barkhane operation in the Sahel and to close three bases in northern Mali, in Kidal, Tessalit and Timbuktu by early 2022.

Evacuation at Hamid Karzai International Airport.

“Should we brace for the same scenario as in Kabul?” asked a headline of the Malian daily Le Soir de Bamako on the last 18 August. The question is relevant. Many observers in Paris, think that soon or later anyhow, the French will pull out from Sahel. The former editor of the Liberation Paris daily, Serge July predicted by mid-August that soon or later, France will have to leave the Sahel while African leaders of the region have started talks with the jihadists in the name of national reconciliation. Moreover, some in Mali  – including the ruling military –  support indeed such kind of dialogue to find a political solution to the conflict.
In some intellectual circles of the region, like in Niamey, prevails an attitude of resignation as if the victory of the jihadists was foretold. It looks like the atmosphere in Saigon before the arrival of the Viet Cong, comments a European expatriate in the capital of Niger.
The feeling is amplified by the fact that “the French presence in the Sahel has not necessarily lead to either a decrease in operational capacity of extremists groups in this region”, says security analyst for Signal Risk in South Africa, Ryan Cummings, in an interview with the German radio Deutsche Welle.

Observers also point out that Mali’s government is weak and has a reputation of being corrupt while its armed forces, who are trained by EU officers are underpaid and poorly motivated, like the defeated Afghan army. “If there’s any lesson to draw, it’s that indefinite military solutions aren’t sustainable,” said Bakary Sambe, director of the Senegal-based to the Voice of America.
In Somalia, media affiliated with Al-Shabab hailed as well the Taliban’s takeover in Afghanistan. Security Experts warn that when international forces will hand over security to the weak Mogadishu government, there could be a repetition of what happened in Afghanistan. Indeed, a withdrawal of African peacekeepers is foreseen by the Somalia Transition Plan approved in April 1991 by the government and the African Union Mission in Somalia, (AMISOM).

Former Somali intelligence official Abdulsalam Gulaid claims that although Al-Shabab does not have the military power of the Taliban, nothing should really stop them. In August 2021, Al Shabab fighters stormed a military base in central Somalia and recaptured a town it had lost to government troops. And fatalities linked to Al Shabab attacks are projected to rise by 16 % in 2021, according to US Department of Defence sources.
The developments in Afghanistan “can potentially put all of us in Africa and the Sahel at risk,” told the director of the faculty of academic affairs and research at the Kofi Annan International Peacekeeping Training Centre, Kwesi Aning on the Accra-based Citi FM radio.
Optimists however stress that some successes have been scored recently in the war against jihadists in Mozambique. A Rwandan Defence Force-led operation allowed last August the Maputo authorities to reclaim the port of Mocimboa da Praia from the local jihadists who also call themselves Al Shabab but are not formally linked to the Somali group of the same name. In Nigeria, 1,500 Boko Haram activists and relatives surrendered by mid-August while several hundred more did the same in Cameroon. But according to local sources, the move is the consequence of fights between Boko Haram and the Islamic State in the West African Province (ISWAP) rather than decisive victories accomplished by the Nigerian or Cameroonian armies.

Despite the major defeat it has just suffered in Afghanistan, the US war against the jihadists is not over. Over the last months, the US military have been increasing their air strikes against Al Shabab after some 700 American military personnel were withdrawn from Somalia in early 2021. Despite the withdrawal of the US army from Kabul, the Joe Biden administration claims it has a continued willingness to act against the jihadists worldwide.
“Today, the terrorist threat has metastasised well beyond Afghanistan: Al Shabab in Somalia, Al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula, Al Nusra in Syria, ISIS attempting to create a caliphate in Syria and Iraq and establishing affiliates in multiple countries in Africa and Asia. These threats warrant our attention and our resources”, said President Biden
However, it seems that the US have not drawn all conclusions from the Afghan disaster. For instance, in August, they sent 20 Special Forces to assist the Congolese armed forces in their fight in Eastern DRC against the Ugandan-born Allied Democratic Forces (ADF) who claimed allegiance to the Islamic State in 2017.
But the challenge is enormous: since independence, the Congolese army has received assistance from many partners ranging from Belgium, North Korea, China, France and Israel to the US, South Africa, the UN and others. Until now, none of these training teams has succeeded in transforming the rag tag rogue Congolese army into an efficient defence force. Despite the deployment of one of its largest military operations, with over 14,000 blue helmets on the ground the UN have been unable so far to put an end to the activities or armed groups in Congo.

François Misser  

Africa. Islamic finance. Followed only by a few.

Even though a significant increase in the numbers of those following Islam is expected, there are but a few governments in Sub Saharan Africa that invest in banking services in conformity with Sharia Law.

According to estimates by the United States Think Tank Pew Research, during the next decades, the Islamic population in Sub Saharan Africa is expected to increase to 27% by 2060. This increase would place the region ahead of the Middle East and North Africa, behind Pacific Asia. But what are the implications of such a demographic increase in the Islamic population? There are challenges in the field of governance, obviously; also, in the social and economic fields, for which the governments of the area, however, do not seem to be at all prepared.  Among the phenomena that may help to foresee the direction being taken by Sub Saharan Africa, is that of Islamic finance.

Three levels of penetration
According to the Moody rating agency, only 1% of the total volume of banking and financial activity in the region is conducted according to Sharia Law. In Sub Saharan Africa, we may distinguish three distinct levels of penetration of this financial model. The first includes countries like Sudan, Senegal, and Djibouti where the local actors of Islamic finance – banks, companies, start-ups, private citizens – do not operate only with reference to a specific normative plan but are also taken seriously by the governments. The second level concerns countries like Kenya and South Africa which are still behind from the normative point of view but represent considerable potential.

Dubai Islamic Bank in Kenya.

On the third and last level is the uncertain country of Nigeria. In this most populated country with the strongest economy of the whole continent, Islamic finance is still viewed non-committedly by politicians. Abuja has all the qualities to head the field, even beyond continental boundaries: 48% of its population profess Islam (a large majority of whom are Sunni). Since 1991, a normative framework has been in force which presently covers not only the banking sector but also that of insurance, regulating the distribution of Takaful (Islamic insurance specifically for Muslims). Since 2009, the local Central Bank has formed part of the Islamic Financial Services Board (IFSB) and, in 2011, the Nigerian Islamic Jaiz Bank first opened its doors.

Businesses not coming on board
Nevertheless, businesses connected with Islamic finance are reluctant to fully come on board in Nigeria as in other countries. This does not depend, as many believe, on the fear that many foreign investors may have, of introducing the term Sharia into the world of banking and finance. This reluctance is due rather to the state apparati which, under extra-continental pressure, prefer to maintain the economic status quo, postponing any legislative reform that might question it, even to a minimal degree.

Saba Islamic Bank in Djibouti.

This, too, is one of the reasons why the Sukuk (certificates of investment according to Sharia law) have not yet gained a foothold. This despite the positive view regarding their usefulness expressed by the G20 leaders, the International Monetary Fund, and the World Bank, and despite the fact that the government of Nigeria, between 2017 and 2020, collected and conveyed 362.557 billion Nigerian Naira (more than 745 million Euro) in three sovereigns Sukuk with which it financed the construction or modernisation of 25 road networks.
Outside Nigeria things are moving, especially in Senegal and South Africa. However, the models of Malaysia, Indonesia and Turkey are still far from being achieved. Here the penetration into the traditional markets of Islamic finance has been governed by local governments by the purchase of shares, the launching of normative reforms, the use of taxation and, an aspect of no small importance, the implementation of informative programmes about this sort of finance.

Kaduna. Ja’iz Bank. Photo: CC BY-SA 4.0/ Anasskoko.

In Sub Saharan Africa, instead, little or nothing of this sort is happening. This is also true for the northern part of the continent where more than 90% of the population are Muslim, again according to Moody estimates, there are only thirteen Islamic banks out of a total of 107 and the activities connected with Islamic finance amounts only to 0.5% in Morocco, 2.8% in Algeria, 5% in Egypt, and 5.5% in Tunisia.
The experts say that it is only by streamlining bureaucracy, enlarging the range of services and products, making them more attractive by comparison with their conventional counterparts, and encouraging the issue of green and social Sukuk for carrying out environmental and inclusive social projects that Islamic finance in Sub Saharan Africa can aspire to become available to all, and capable of attracting the attention of foreign investors.

Rocco Bellantone

 

 

 

Jamaica. The roots of reggae.

The mention of Jamaica immediately reminds us of reggae music and such figures as Bob Marley or Shaggy. This wonderful land, lost in the azure Caribbean has much more ancient musical roots that largely go back to the arrival there of African slaves. It is there that the rhythmic way of life which has always marked the musical traditions of this geographical area originated.

In modern times, this multi-coloured universe of sounds has been contaminated by other nuances of expression such as calypso music imported from nearby Trinidad or ska, the Jamaican version of rhythm’n blues that the local people would listen to on United States radio stations. It became a melting-pot, so to speak, that became even more vivacious in 1962 when the country gained its independence
from Britain.

Harry Belafonte. The king of calypso music. Photo: CC BY 2.0/David Shankbone

Ska music, with its devilish rising rhythms, was the perfect soundtrack for a people entering the modern world and looking with great expectations to a better future.
The Skatalites were the epitome of this new music, followed closely by Toots & The Maytalse and the Wailers, the band that launched the first Jamaican reggae star, Bob Marley. Meanwhile, however, the Jamaican scene had been enriched by two other stars capable of making a breakthrough into the international market: the king of calypso Harry Belafonte (a New Yorker, the son of a Jamaican and a cook from Martinique) who conquered the world in 1958 with the legendary Banana Boat Song, and Jimmy Cliff who had first become well known through the Universal Exposition 1964, and contributed such classical worldwide hits as The Harder they Come and Many Rivers to Cross.
The roots of reggae are to be found in rocksteady: slower music with less prominent wind sections and more obviously US sounds, where the figure of the lead singer became more prominent than the instrumentalists; the lyrics also revealed elements and approaches that reggae later developed.

Politics and spirituality were intertwined, also because, despite independence, Jamaica remained a country characterised by strong social tensions; a most fragile democracy besieged by organised crime, social inequalities, and bloody political clashes. It was out of all this that reggae grew among the streets of Kingston, nourished also by the political-religious legacy of the Rasta preacher Marcus Garvey, the great proponent of the return to Africa of the grandchildren of the slaves.

In the meantime, there came another creative figure with Caribbean blood in his veins. Chris Blackwell founded the Island Records in London: just what was needed to transform reggae from a local phenomenon into an enchanting world trend.
Bob Marley (who died of cancer in 1987) even today represents its greatest expression but reggae lost no time in influencing countless western rock stars (from Clapton to the Police) and continues to do so today, in an infinite number of styles from raggamuffin to dub. However, Jamaica has not yet healed its wounds (it is still a country with one of the highest murder rates in the world), and it is still searching for redemption.

Franz Coriasco

 

 

 

 

Afghanistan. The Loss of Life in a Twenty-Year War.

Life is precious and sacred. Many people believe in the sanctity of the human person with rights and dignity to be protected and preserved. This is not true for many more who kill and murder and execute their perceived enemies.

Those that declare war and invade other nations are also guilty of bringing death and destruction. There is no “good” war. In the end, after millions are dead and wounded, peace is negotiated and made, and life returns to normal. Why then fight the war in the first place and not negotiate a settlement of differences before violence is inflicted? That is because war is very profitable for weapons manufacturers. A prolonged “endless” war is the best thing ever for the industrial military complex.

This industry dominates and greatly influences American politics and the US economy. It is what President Dwight Eisenhower warned the nation about in 1946. He called it a danger to the nation. The permanent armaments industry is today immensely greater and more powerful. It needs, and perhaps, promotes continuous wars to sell more arms to prosper and grow.

The politicians, the arms manufacturers and traders get their political candidates elected who seemingly work continually to support military interventions. This is the great wrong behind all wars: immense greed fuelled by lies, ambition and power. The American people are mostly duped into believing that their national security is always under threat and a super strong military, always at war, with real or imagined enemies, is necessary.

The futility of the Afghan twenty-year unwinnable war has brought incredible suffering and death to millions of civilians and soldiers and generated hundreds of thousands of refugees and displaced people. The invasion was launched primarily to deprive Al Qaeda terrorits a haven in Afghanistan, which was then controlled by the Taliban.

When that was achieved, the occupation continued and was prolonged mostly for the glory of US career generals and the benefit of the US industrial military complex and a few thousand corrupt Afghan politicians and their cronies. The immorality of it is staggering. We do not live in a just or moral world. The disaster is still unfolding as thousands of people are rushing to the airport to escape the Taliban on US and UK planes.

According to research by Brown University, the number of innocent Afghan civilians caught in the crossfire or killed by suicide bombers is a shocking 47,245 men, women and children.
Countless others are wounded, having lost arms and legs and they will suffer for the rest of their lives.
Besides, half-trained 66,000 Afghan army and police were killed. The number of Taliban and other opposition fighters that were killed is 51,191. A total of 164,436 Afghan people died in this avoidable war.

In Afghanistan, in the 20-year war, as many as 2,448 American service members were killed up to April 2021. An additional 3,846 U.S. contractors, civilians and mercenaries were killed, and as many as 1,344 service people of the NATO alliance died also. The number of aid workers killed is 444. Seventy-nine journalists were also killed.  A total of 8,161 needless deaths.

How could a mostly unpaid guerrilla band of fighters, armed mostly with AK-47s, RPG rocket launchers, home-made bombs and riding pickups and motorbikes with walkie-talkie radios, defeat the greatest, most powerful sophisticated well-paid army, air force and navy in the world, the best funded and most expensive?

According to Brown University calculation, the US spent $2.26 trillion in Afghanistan, or $300 million a day. The 29,950 US troops with 300,000 Afghan military and police were beaten to a standstill by a much smaller force and the US under Donald Trump gave up and sued for peace.

It seems that the Taliban had a few things going for them more than guns and bombs, religion for one.
They were defeated in 2001 and driven out of Afghanistan but they hid in the mountains and regrouped. Their deep radical Islamic faith, some may call it fanatical, kept them going.

Their unshakable belief that Allah was truly on their side and their hope of establishing in their native land a strict even cruel, misogynist Islamic state, under Allah, was their unshakable dream. Besides, death in a Holy War would bring them their instant reward in paradise. That is what they fought for, not a paycheck.

Their medieval harsh religious faith motivated them sharply and they became ferocious fighters, taking risks and were a formidable enemy against a foreign invader on the battlefield with all the odds of weaponry and manpower against them. They had defeated the Russians and were convinced they could defeat the United States.

Crucial for victory was their positive negotiations with local tribal leaders to win the hearts and minds of the local population. This they did by infiltrating their sleepers into villages and municipalities. As their fighters drew near to a village or town or provincial capital and surrounded it, their sleepers had already prepared the way and emerged.

They had influenced local tribal leaders to support them without resistance by making deals and paying cash handouts. It worked. They allowed poppy cultivation and heroine production and earned millions of dollars from it to finance their war. They captured border points and collected tax on everything imported or exported.

The Taliban had a clear tactic to negotiate with government troops and police to persuade them not to kill fellow Afghans but save themselves and their families. They left them little choice, desert to us or die with their wives and children. Thousands of unpaid soldiers changed sides and they delivered their US-supplied weapons to the Taliban, too.

Many Afghan army commanders were corrupt and brutal to their troops so the deserter didn’t need much encouragement to switch sides. Eighty-five billion US dollars was spent on training them to fight, according to Brown University.

A pre-negotiated surrender seems to explain how the Taliban took provincial capitals quickly and Kabul without firing a shot. It was pre-arranged and the United States seems to be caught by surprise unless they had agreed to a secret surrender that came all too quickly for most. The human cost is immense as stated above. The financial cost to the United States is gigantic. It is obliged to pay health and disability costs for almost 4 million war veterans of the Afghanistan and Iraq wars costing almost $2 trillion, wars which have already cost the US $2.6 trillion to wage and most of it is borrowed with interests. By 2050, that interest is estimated to cost the American taxpayer $6.5 trillion. The banks and lenders are thrilled, they love lending to finance wars.

Where did most of the $2 trillion in war costs go? You may ask. Where else but to the industrial military complex and companies therein and they are very happy about it. They love wars, too.  What was achieved from these wars? Nothing but human suffering, devastation and misery. Now, the Taliban are back with promises of a less harsh regime than 20 years ago. But, will they keep them? That remains to be seen.

Fr. Shay Cullen

 

 

Mexico. Welcome to Tijuana.

The religious institutes have created a support network for the many migrants coming to the city in the hope of moving legally, or even illegally, to the United States. We visited the Migrants House.

The numerous white crosses close to the famous Las Playas beach are in memory of the many migrants who lost their lives attempting to reach the United States. This is Tijuana, known as the most typical of the frontier cities. It is situated in Lower California at only thirty kilometres from the American city of San Diego.

View of poor area of Tijuana Mexico with buildings on hill. Photo. Mdurson/123RF.com

In recent years, the city has become the point of arrival for many migrants and also the place where migrants return home after being deported from the United States. It is in this chaotic, disordered, and violent city that the religious institutes have sought to respond to the various needs of the migrants. The structures called albergues are located mostly in the Northern Zone of the city, close to the border. They work in contact with each other in common initiatives of training or protests, as in the case of marches organised to protest the closure of the border or the tightening of policies governing asylum seekers.
The emergency caused by Covid-19 has, inevitably, placed a strain upon the hospitality structures that were meant to be almost
completely self-supporting.

Tijuana. Main entrance of the “Casa del migrante”. Photo: Federica Mirto.

The Migrants House is one of the largest hospitality centres in the city. It was opened in 1987 and run by the congregation of the Scalabrini, with room for 140 guests. Before the Coronavirus epidemic, all the guests were male. The House is a place of welcome and offers a number of services such as legal advice, counselling, and a course on how to find work. Father Pat Murphy has directed the Tijuana Migrants House since 2013. “Most of the people coming here are from the south of Mexico or Honduras. They have one common aim: to escape from violence and poverty”.In the course of their stay which usually lasts about thirty days, the migrants may take training courses, avail themselves of medical services, and enjoy three meals a day as well as a place to sleep. The rules for entry are clear: each guest must help with the daily cleaning, in the kitchen, and other activities when requested. In the Centre, time seems to stand still. Due to the epidemic, people may go out to go to work, but permission is required to leave for any other reason. The daily routine is marked by a regular timetable.

Tijuana. Fr. Pat Murphy, Director of “Casa del migrante”.

Most residents go to work early in the morning and return in the evening in time for supper in the refectory. The aim of the Migrants House personnel is to assist the guests with bureaucratic procedures and assist them in actively looking for work so that they can rent a place of their own after their stay in the House comes to an end.Despite the closures due to the pandemic, there has always been work available in Tijuana: the migrants find work in the building industry, in laundries and hotels, as watchmen, or as road sweepers in the commercial centres. The main problem is that of low wages, insufficient to pay the very high rents, and the lack of public transport, which forces people to work close to where they live.
The Covid-19 also struck the Migrants House where there were some cases who were immediately isolated in rooms specially equipped for quarantine and with supplies of oxygen. The emergency lasted three long months. Lower California was one of the regions most affected in Mexico, but Father Murphy was not deterred by the collapse of the public health system; with the help of his collaborators, he decided to devote half of the premises to whole families.

Many stories to tell
Migrants House is a place where everyone has a story to tell. Stories of suffering, sorrow, and broken dreams. Doris, too, has her own story. She has just heard that her mother has died in Honduras, and she was not there to say her last goodbye.  Before reaching Tijuana, Doris’ family travelled for a whole year. Gerson, her husband, tells us he could never go back now that he has succeeded in escaping from all sorts of violence. Their first goal was Tamaulipas, the Mexican state on the border with Texas but even there they were the victims of extortion and kidnapping. Twice they tried to cross the border by contacting the ‘coyotes’, the traffickers who demand up to twelve thousand dollars
to cross the border.

The coyotes are contacted by word of mouth, even within the hospitality centres where they sometimes succeed in being accepted by pretending to be needy migrants. Their real aim is to find clients, promising a safe one-way passage to the United States. The coyotes are also known as ‘polleros’.  They operate not only on the northern border but all along the migration route that starts in Tapachula, in the state of Chiapas, on the border with Guatemala. The migrants’ route is one of the most profitable businesses for local organised crime. Organised crime has, for some years, had a grip on the phenomenon of migration. “Yes – Father Murphy confirms – because this really is big business. The Mexican government is not in control and corruption is widespread. It is all centred upon money”.
A few months previously, Gerson and his family had succeeded in crossing the Rio Grande using a makeshift dingy and entered the state of Texas only to be sent back by the border police. After the election of the new president Joe Biden, confident that migration policy would change, Gerson and Doris made a second try. This time they went overland, fearlessly crossing the desert area at the border. However, they were again disappointed and so they returned to Migrants House, waiting and hoping. They hope to reach their relatives who live in Minnesota.

Migrants reading information and maps. Photo: CC-BY-SA-4.0/ ProtoplasmaKid.

Moses is aged 32 and originally from Ghana, the only African guest at the House where he has been for six months now. He was one of the few who did not speak Spanish and showed no interest in learning the language: in his free time, he likes reading the latest news about the immigration situation in America. He left his native Ghana and his son to follow his ‘American Dream’ and join his brother in Ohio.  For him, the United States “is a country of unlimited possibilities in all aspects of life”. He is not slow to admit that he did not leave Ghana because of the lack of security, but because he wants to use his studies in marketing, develop his profession, and send money home to his family. He tried to cross the Rio Grande several times but was always sent back but he says: “sooner or later I will succeed”.

Biden and Harris
The change of tenant at the White House is viewed with hope.  “Unlike the previous administration, the Biden government sees immigration as a delicate problem that must be handled carefully.
Firstly, it has adopted a more flexible and human policy”, Luis Miguel from El Salvador tells us. The approach differs from that of Trump, but the proof will be seen in deeds.

Tijuana. Migrants. Photo: Federica Mirto.

In recent months, the official number of migrants to the United States has broken all records. Early in June, Kamala Harris made her first international trip as Vice President, visiting Guatemala (which, with Honduras and El Salvador, forms the ‘Northern Triangle’) and Mexico to promise development aid to stop the growing migratory exodus, but especially to repeat: “Do not come!”.
During her visit, Harris promoted the creation of two work groups to combat human trafficking, the drugs trade and corruption, as the first step in a plan to invest four billion Euro in the region. The long wait to see the fruits of these measures, while people suffer and migrate, shows the complexity of a problem that is more easily opposed than governed. Open Photo: Border wall between Mexico and the U.S.A. at Playas de Tijuana.  Mabrach/123RF.com

Federica Mirto

Trinidad and Tobago. Between Prosperity and Islamic Extremism.

Located between the Caribbean Sea and the Atlantic Ocean, Trinidad and Tobago are part of the West Indies Archipelago, a group of islands between Florida and Venezuela and shared with the Caribbean Sea, the Gulf of Mexico, and the Atlantic Ocean. Discovered by the Spanish led by Christopher Columbus, they are called the West Indies to distinguish them from the East Indies of South-East Asia.

Its territory is composed of two islands close to the northern coasts of Venezuela and Guyana. Trinidad, so called in honour of the Most Holy Trinity has an area of 4,800 km2 and is the larger of the two islands. Located just 11 km from Venezuela, it is an extension of the South American region, with its mountains that form a sort of continuation of the Andean chain. Tobago, located north of Trinidad, is instead much smaller and has an area of less than 300 km2.

The original intention of the Spanish colonisers was to reduce to slavery most of the Amerindian inhabitants of the island and take them to work in the new Spanish colonies of South America. Since Spain was much more interested in the race for gold, it paid little attention to the economic potential of Trinidad which had few precious minerals. It was only in the centuries following its discovery that the colonisers began to devote themselves to the cultivation of tobacco and cacao, using indigenous labour. This activity was pursued until 1720 when there was a fall in the production of cacao and a subsequent crisis in the industry. During those years, the Spanish encouraged the migration of Catholic workers living on the other Caribbean islands, with the promise of great rewards. Many slaves were brought to Trinidad from the African continent to be put to work on the cotton and sugar plantations. In 1802, Trinidad was ceded to the British, and after the abolition of slavery, began in 1845 to import thousands of ‘indentured labourers’ mostly from India, who began to work on the sugar and cotton plantations at the service of the colonisers. During those years, in addition, immigration of workers coming from various continents besides from the Caribbean islands under British rule, developed. In particular, these workers were Chinese, Syrian, Lebanese, British and Madeirans, transforming Trinidad into one of the most heterogeneous islands in all of the Caribbean.

Christopher Columbus monument. Columbus landed here on his third voyage in 1498. This is on the southern coast of the island of Trinidad, West Indies. CC-BY-SA-4.0/ Kalamazadkhan.

Tobago, sighted by Columbus, was originally designated as a Spanish possession. In the XVII century, it passed more than once into the hands of the British, French, Dutch, and even Courlanders. In 1704, it was declared a neutral territory. In 1763, it again came under the rule of the British who set up a colonial administration and worked for the development of sugar and cotton production, importing about ten thousand African slaves in a matter of twenty years.
However, in the years following, the island again passed on different occasions from British to French dominion and, in 1814, definitively came under British rule. The abolition of slavery dealt a severe blow to the economy of the island and created a deep economic crisis though this did not end the production of sugar and rum, which continued until 1884 when the London-based company which controlled the market went bankrupt. In 1889, following the crisis that struck sugar production, at the desire of the British, Tobago became the protector of nearby Trinidad while maintaining separate legislative and taxation systems. From the point of view of institutional politics, during the British colonial period, Trinidad and Tobago followed a two-house system with an elected assembly to which, in 1925, following constitutional reforms, seven new members were added. The desire for greater autonomy grew ever stronger among the islanders and exploded in a series of strikes and disturbances which marked the thirties and gave rise to the birth of an important trade union movement and the 1945 reform which granted universal voting rights. It was these processes that laid the foundation for unprecedented change in the political field represented, in 1956, by the triumph of the PNM (People’s National Movement). Independence was achieved in 1962 when Trinidad and Tobago became a republic.

The heterogeneous nature of the peoples present in Trinidad and Tobago forged a tradition of cultural and religious pluralism which saw Christians, Muslims, and Hindus living peacefully together for around two hundred years. However, this equilibrium was lost at the end of the sixties by student protests which, unlike those in the rest of the west and in Latin America, took on an ethnic character. The protesters were members of the African-Caribbean minority who saw themselves as excluded from society and the demonstrators aimed at the overthrow of the ruling, white-centred cultural power. The Black Power Revolution assumed a violent character and created deep ethnic divisions. The government only superficially managed to control the situation and suppress the revolution. This apparent success was due to the discovery of large oil deposits in the seventies and the economic boom that followed. Despite the apparent calm and the economic resources derived from the oil industry, unrest continued to smoulder beneath the ashes and the ideas relative to Black separatism gave way to or were integrated with African-Islamist separatism. This situation led to the rapid diffusion on the islands of the teachings of some African-American Black Panther and Nation of Islam (NoI) radicals which served to prepare the ground for the attempted coup on 27 July 1990 by members of the minority Muslim group called Jamaat al Muslimeen (JaM).

During those days, there were serious disturbances in the capital Port of Spain resulting in 24 deaths and 231 wounded. The local commissariat was attacked and the national television station, together with the parliament, was occupied. The situation returned to normal after four days of negotiations which marked a turning point for the country since the Jamaat al Muslimeen (JaM) emerged significantly strengthened and recognised as a de facto force present in the country; this allowed it to take root in the ghettos of Trinidad and Tobago which it transformed into a recruiting area for international Jihadism in the Americas. (F.R.)

South Sudan. Being part of a universal Church.

An extremely polarised country where belonging to a family or clan is much more important than one’s national identity. The new bishop of Rumbek, Mons Christian Carlassare, invites the Christians to be part of a universal family rather than to a clan or ethnic group.

The Gospel is indeed inspiring but that does not lessen the effort required to overcome all the obstacles one encounters on the journey of faith. The road is often tiring as there are not many reference points to show the way. Generations of South Sudanese have lived all their lives in a context of instability, violence, and conflict. There is much frustration that worsens the traumas of the past. Walking together is not a foregone conclusion, far from it. Even within the same ethnic group there are great differences of views between those who have been educated and live in the cities and the majority who live isolated in the rural areas, and are often illiterate; between those who can rely on a regular salary from their work as civil servants or from their jobs in humanitarian non-government organisations, and those who, instead, rely on their herds or who earn their living by fishing or agriculture; between those who reflect and make decisions in the light of the Gospel and those who, though they are Christians, follow a way of thinking based upon the categories of their tradition and culture.

The new bishop of Rumbek, Mons Christian Carlassare.

It must be noted that the Church operates in a context that is intrinsically very poor, not so much in terms of resources since there is sharing between Churches, as in terms of operative structures, qualified personnel, programmes, and the means to carry them out. The diocesan clergy has to make do with training that, in many respects, is incomplete, with economic restrictions, isolation and limited accompaniment. In many ways, the traditional culture, even while respecting the priest as a man of God, does not help him to live out his service. At the same time, the needs of the people are many and pastoral work is very demanding. Discouragement may affect even the strongest and most motivated.

The formation of the laity is decisive
The contribution of the religious and missionary institutes is very important. They do encourage a missionary pastoral that seeks to “go out” and meet those who are far away and often marginalised.
In fact, even those who are not included in the logic of the modern world may make an important contribution towards the betterment of the situation as well as to changing the dynamics that keep the country hostage to the past.

Direct evangelisation is certainly difficult for religious institutes when they are not well inserted into the context and are not familiar with the people, or when they are not able to guarantee stability with missionaries who are ready to incarnate themselves and spend their time and efforts in a determined place. The missionary institutes in South Sudan constitute a powerful impulse to human promotion by means of schools of all levels, dispensaries and hospitals, reception centres, the mass media, microcredit, self-sustaining projects, and the promotion of peace. There, too, are important ambits wherein to continue evangelisation understood as humanisation or as giving value to human beings and their fundamental dignity.

Girls walking at Good Shepherd Peace Centre. Photo: Paul Jeffrey.

The Good Shepherd Centre, promoted by the Association of Major Superiors of Religious Institutes, proposes to offer human and Christian formation to pastoral agents and all who are striving for peace and reconciliation. At the moment, there is a team of religious who have joined the initiative Solidarity with South Sudan, in which 170 religious congregations participate. Besides offering courses and retreats in the centre of Kit, close to Juba, it presents programmes and activities in all the dioceses of South Sudan specifically to reach as many people as possible, especially those who have important roles in the pacification of the population in the territories.
Another very important initiative is the one promoted by Bishop Emeritus of Torit, Mons Paride Taban, who, in 2005, founded a village at Kuron (East Equatoria) where people of different ethnic groups live together in a common project to develop the territory. The idea is to show how it is possible to overcome the logic of the clan when people of different backgrounds come together for the common good and not just that of a single group.

Overcoming devotionalism
The essence of the Church is communion, fraternity, and unity. When we see Christians divided along lines of ethnic group or clan, we understand how much the faith has not been interiorised. Day after day, we realise that the blood of culture and ethnic group is still thicker and more important than the sacred water of Baptism. The paradigm of “The Church as the Family of God” proposed by the first Synod for Africa in 1994, now seems to have been rejected.
In the first place, it may seem to be a contradictory proposal in light of the grave crisis the family is going through in Africa as in many other parts of the world. Secondly, one can see everywhere the radicalisation of the theme of identity which makes the Church weaker when it has to deal with ethnic reasoning that is not capable of promoting universal fraternity. From this comes the understanding that, in this time of missionary crisis, it is necessary to re-evaluate and revisit evangelisation with renewed energy and re-found courage.

The Gospel is not meant to be preached in church on Sundays to a small group of the faithful but must reach all corners of society, especially those that are not easily accessed, by means of appropriate initiatives and much creativity. A few superficial brush strokes of the Gospel to make us look like Christians by means of sterile devotional practices are not enough. It is necessary that the Gospel enters the flesh and penetrates the hearts of people in such a way as to produce Christians capable of transforming society. In preaching the Gospel, it is not possible to silence the many injustices, the violence, the indiscriminate use of arms or the lack of respect for human life. It must be openly said that silence is anything but Christian.

Investing in family pastoral
The Church is increasingly called to see to the formation of the clergy and the lay pastoral agents in general. It must invest more in family pastoral, forming base Christian communities that promote mature faith that devolves into daily life. It is necessary to overcome exterior devotionalism to form people with an incarnate spirituality of commitment in society for unity and peace. The Church also has an important role in civic training to promote responsible citizenship.

This can be done, not only through primary and secondary schools but also by investing in universities so as to create a new culture attentive to sustainable development in an open society ready to share. Dioceses must promote commissions of justice and peace that may accompany groups scattered throughout the territory, capable of meeting the population and seeking solutions to conflict at its roots. In short, the Church must try not only to safeguard the orthodoxy of its faith but above all to sustain a correct praxis that springs from faith, by means of truly Christian ethics. In this historical moment for South Sudan, the mission of the Church represents one of the few great hopes for the country since, like good yeast, the Gospel has the power to ferment the dough and give life to renewed humanity.

 

 

 

DR of Congo. The state and the main churches clash over next elections.

A battle between the supporters of President Tshisekedi and the two main churches of the Congo is ongoing. The transparency of the next presidential election is at stake.

Once again, the catholic church has clashed with the state in the Democratic Republic of Congo. This is a tradition since the first clash between Cardinal Joseph Malula and Mobutu in 1972 over the dictator’s policy of authenticity which namely consisted in the suppression of the Christian names from the civil registries.
During the 1990s, there were another confrontation between the regime and the catholic church which supported the democratisation process, specially after the massacre of 35 people during a pro-democracy march of the Christians in February 1992.
During the presidency of Joseph Kabila, the catholic church was also at the forefront in the struggle for transparent and credible elections.

In 2011 and 2018, the catholic Bishops National Conference of the Congo (CENCO) demonstrated by his own networks who collected electoral results from all over the country that both elections were massively rigged. And this fight for transparency is going on. Since several months, bitter discussions are ongoing between the government and the main churches of the country. According to the constitutional, the churches are supposed to appoint the successor of Corneille Nangaa who was very close to former President Joseph Kabila as chairman of the National Independent Electoral Commission (CENI). His role will be to lead preparation of the forthcoming presidential and parliament elections in 2023.
But there is no consensus on the candidate. The supporters of President Felix Tshisekedi would like to appoint electoral expert Denis Kadima as CENI’s chairman. Kadima is backed by the Kimbanguist Church, the revival churches, the Jehovah witnesses, the Islamic Community of Congo, the Orthodox Church and independent churches. And he has probably more chances to be appointed CENI chairman than his rival Cyrille Ebokoto, who is supported by the catholic church, despite the fact that these smaller churches represent barely 30% of the population. Indeed, the authorities wish rather to take into account the number of church denominations who support Kadima rather than the number of faithful which they represent.

Dénis Kadima Kazadi. Director of the Joburg-based Electoral institute for sustainable democracy in Africa.

Denis Kadima according many observers has probably the best curriculum to chair Congo’s CENI. He holds a master degree in political sciences from the Joburg-based Witwatersrand University and he has an experience of electoral processes. He has organised the independence referendum in 2010 in Southern Sudan and elections in Tunisia the following year, on behalf of the UN. He is also the director of the Joburg-based Electoral institute for sustainable democracy in Africa.
But the catholic church and the main protestant denomination, the Church of Christ in the Congo (ECC) consider that Kadima does not look impartial enough. Both churches want to avert the repetition of the scenarios of the 2011 and 2018 elections. In both cases, the respective presidents of CENI, Reverend Daniel Ngoy Mulunda and his successor Corneille Nangaa allowed a massive rigging of the election.
Both the catholic church and the Church of Christ in the Congo (ECC) which together represent around 70% of the Congolese population have made clear they want “better organised elections” and a “democratic alternation of power”, as stated the CENCO, ‘s secretary general, Father Donation N’Shole on the 23 July 2021.

Cardinal Fridolin Ambongo, Archbishop of Kinshasa.

Catholic and ECC circles are convinced that President Tshisekedi and his followers want to postpone the elections well beyond the 2023 deadline. Indeed, in an interview to the UN-sponsored Radio Okapi on the 16 March 2021, the chairman of UDPS’ directory, Victor Wakwenda, declared that his party wanted to convince the parliament that President Tshisekedi’s mandate which began in February 2019, in fact only started at the moment when he got rid of Kabila’s influence, in late 2020.
Accordingly, Tshisekedi’s mandate should continue until 2025, two years after the expiration of the constitutional mandate.
At any rate, the archbishop of Kisangani, Mgr Marcel Utembi who represents the catholic church in these discussions said it did not feel involved in the choice of Kadima by smaller churches. Besides, Mgr Utembi insinuated that representatives of these smaller denominations had been bribed. Jeeps were offered by the authorities to some church leaders in order to convince them to vote for Kadima, the President’s choice, said the prelate.
Such attitude irritated considerably the authorities who accused the catholic church and the protestants to support the political opposition. This irritation comes on top an anti-catholic campaign which has been developing on the social media since February 2021. It includes messages inciting to arrest Cardinal Ambongo, accusing the catholic church of creating disorder and urging the faithful to join the revival churches whose leaders paid allegiance to Tshisekedi.

Félix Antoine Tshisekedi Tshilombo, President of the Democratic Republic of the Congo.

Verbal aggressions were followed by physical ones. The secretary general of Tshisekedi’s Union for Democracy and Social Progress (UDPS) Augustin Kabuya was particularly hostile. Then, on the first of August, a group of Tshisekedi’s party youth league, the JUDPS, attacked the archdiocese of Kinshasa buildings which are Cardinal Fridolin Ambongo’s residence. Stones were hurled at the buildings, while the young militants shouted hostile slogans against the prelate and the roman catholic church.
Obviously, the attacks came after the catholic church refused to endorse the choice of Tshisekedi’s supporters as President of CENI. Other attacks against church premises occurred in ten parishes of the Mbuji Mayi diocesis, in the Eastern Kasai province, says a communiqué of the local bishop.
These attacks express the strong resentment among the Tshisekedi side against the catholic church since its spokespersons made clear in 2019 that CENCO’s parallel counting of the results showed that he scored only 18% of the votes, well behind the winner, Martin Fayulu who obtained more than 60%. The UDPS’s hostility against the Catholics was also fuelled by a CENCO statement in March which deplored the degradation of the situation of human rights in the DRC. At the time, the government retaliated, blaming the catholic bishops for their “insurrectional activism”.

The Commission’s headquarters in Kinshasa.

The UDPS Youth League protested against accusations by catholic sources that it had attacked and stoned Cardinal Ambongo’s residence and said the entire accusation was a fake. However, on the 10 August 2021, the cardinal tried to defuse tensions by making a statement announcing that he was pardoning his aggressors.
But the problems unlikely to go away. There is a growing gap between the catholic church and the pro-Tshisekedi side, on strictly religious matters. Many Congolese have been shocked by a video of a UDPS meeting, broadcasted in March, where one of the party leaders makes an almost blasphemous prayer beginning with “In the name of the Father, Ya Tshitshi (the late Etienne Tshisekedi), of the Son, Ya Fatshi (President Felix Tshisekedi) and of the Spirit, the People First (Felix Tshisekedi’s slogan)”. In fact, the cult of personality has reached proportions which compare only with the period of the late dictator Mobutu Sese Seko whose picture appeared at the beginning of each TV news broadcast, as coming down from the clouds, like if it were the Almighty God in person.

François Misser

 

 

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